Understanding America Across 15 Types of Communities (Part One)

A deep dive into data from the excellent American Communities Project.

One of the most innovative and insightful organizations I’ve discovered in the past few years is the American Communities Project. For those unfamiliar with ACP, its purpose is to better understand the immense diversity of the United States by breaking down its 3,144 counties¹ into 15 “community types.” By collecting a treasure trove of demographic, economic, public opinion, and voting data, ACP gives Americans a deeper look at their country and fellow citizens. One way they help visualize this broad patchwork of communities is through the map below.²

---

---

The typologies aren’t always perfect; by their own admission, when some counties didn’t obviously fit into one community type, they had to make judgment calls. But overall, ACP’s work goes beyond an understanding of the country rooted in the red counties and blue counties we often see on election night maps to help Americans grapple with the nuance below the surface.

As a tribute to the work of the good folks behind this project, I’ll be taking a deeper look at the metrics that shape their community types to help our readers make sense of how Americans in these places live, think, and—true to TLP’s usual analysis—vote. Below is an examination of the first five communities. I’ll follow up in the next few weeks with the remaining ones.

---

African American South

• Number of counties: 272

• Median county population: 20,635

• Examples: Montgomery County, AL; Shelby County, TN; Douglas County, GA

The African American South (AAS) largely spans the Black Belt of the American South, ranging from eastern Texas on the west side to southern Virginia and Maryland on the east. As the name suggests, this region is home to many black residents—the median county is 43 percent black, and several are majority black. Nearly two-thirds (63 percent) of the region is rural, and the median population for counties is 20,635.

Life in the AAS is often difficult. It is the poorest of the 15 regions, with a median household income of just $42,212. These places have the highest child poverty rate (33 percent) and the second-highest level of food insecurity (16 percent). Residents here also tend to have worse health outcomes. The AAS has the highest rate of obesity (42 percent) and share of adults reporting to be in only fair or poor health (22 percent).

It’s not all misery, though. Despite the difficulties of life in the AAS, the region has one of the lowest rates of excess drinking (15 percent) and, relatedly, of drunk driving deaths (alcohol is involved in 26 percent of driving deaths, below the national average). And interestingly, black students are less segregated from their white peers here than they are in any other place.

Still, residents of the AAS have greater levels of pessimism than in other communities. They are the least likely (60 percent) to believe that Americans have more in common than believed, the second-likeliest to think the economy is rigged in favor of the rich, and the least likely to say that people can generally be trusted. Many also identify crime and gun violence as the top issues impacting both their community and the country.

Overall, the AAS leans Democratic, though not overwhelmingly so. Since 2000, the Democratic nominee for president has carried these counties by an average of eight points. The closest election was in 2004, when John Kerry won them by just one point, while the widest gap was in 2012 when Barack Obama won here by 13. However, the party’s advantage has slipped over the past 12 years, with Joe Biden winning the AAS by 10 and Kamala Harris by just six. Unfortunately for Democrats, voters here are among the least likely to get to the voting booth, with a turnout rate of 61 percent (compared to the national average of 68 percent).

---

---

Aging Farmlands

• Number of counties: 268

• Median county population: 3,401

• Examples: Scott County, KS; Bowman County, ND; Platte County, WY

Aging Farmland counties sprawl across much of the Great Plains, with concentrations in states like Kansas, Nebraska, and the Dakotas. The region is sparsely populated and home to many small communities: the median population here is just 3,401 people, making it by far the smallest of the 15 community types.

Residents here are the second-oldest of any region—nearly a quarter (24 percent) are at least 65 years of age. These places are also the least racially and ethnically diverse, as their collective population is a whopping 91 percent white and just four percent Hispanic. People in these communities are also less likely to have gone to college: just 21 percent have a college degree.

These communities tend to have abundant access to healthy foods and residents are in good health overall. However, the small and spread-out populations appear to have contributed to a sense of isolation, sometimes leading to tragic results: the highest rates of excess drinking and gun deaths and the second-highest rate of suicides.

Aging Farmlands are among the most conservative places in the country. Their denizens are by far the likeliest to have donated to their church or a religious charity in the past year, say that their faith or religion is important to them, think that conservative beliefs are disrespected, and believe that the right to bear arms is a “central part of what it means to be an American.” They are also the least likely to think that racism is baked into the country’s identity. And seemingly everyone here (88 percent) has a close relationship with someone who is a Republican.

Consequently, Aging Farmlands are also the most pro-Republican community type—and have only grown more so over time. On average, GOP presidential nominees have carried these counties by an overwhelming 49 points since 2000. And, with the exception of a pro-Democratic drift in 2008, Republicans’ margin with voters here has grown in every single election. After breaking for George W. Bush by 40 points in 2000, they backed Donald Trump by 58 points (2016), 60 points (2020), and 67 points (2024). These voters punch above their weight, turning out at a rate of 72 percent.

---

---

Big Cities

• Number of counties: 48

• Median county population: 1.2 million

• Examples: Maricopa County, AZ; Cook County, IL; Wayne County, MI

The Big Cities typology is just what it sounds like: counties that encompass dense urban environments. These places are scattered all over the country and far bigger than any other community type, with a median population of over one million.

Big Cities are among the most racially diverse parts of the country, with a collective non-Hispanic white population of only 46 percent. Though they possess a decent amount of wealth, there are pockets of poverty within most of them as well, resulting in a median household income of $68,209—about on par with the national average ($69,717). Residents of these communities also have fairly high levels of formal education, with a bachelor degree rate of 39 percent, the second-highest among all community types.

These denser environments generally have a positive impact on the people living in them in two important ways: health outcomes and community. An astounding 97.8 percent of residents in these places have ample access to locations for physical activity. These areas have an obesity rate of just 31 percent (second-lowest), are less likely to have food deserts, and have a better doctor-to-patient ratio than any other community type. People here also seem to be less lonely, as they are less likely to commute to work alone and have the lowest suicide rates.

There are, however, some indicators that belie the rosy picture above. Nearly one-in-five children live in poverty, and the schools are more segregated than they are in any other type of place. People also have slightly longer commutes to work than the national average, a likely product of road traffic or public transportation.

Residents of Big Cities are among the most liberal of any community type. Nearly three-quarters of people say that women should be able to choose for themselves whether to have an abortion—a greater share than anywhere else—and they are among the likeliest to say that people should be “free to express their gender identity however is best for them.” They are also less likely than any other community types to volunteer for a church or religious center, favor traditional family structures for success, or believe that experts “don't understand the lives of people like me.” Meanwhile, they are the likeliest cohort to say they have a close friend or family member who is a Democrat but among the least likely to say the same about a Republican or about someone who is less affluent than them. Notably, they are less likely than other groups to believe that America is in decline.

Perhaps unsurprisingly, Big Cities are also by far the most Democratic places in the country. Over the past two decades, Democratic presidential nominees have carried these places by an average of 29 points. The lowest share for a Democrat was Gore’s 59 percent in 2000 while the highest was 67 percent for Biden in 2020. In 2024, the party’s advantage regressed a bit, going from 35 points for Biden to 26 points for Harris. Despite the higher overall levels of education and overwhelming Democratic bent, though, voter turnout in these communities is 66 percent, putting them slightly below the national average.

---

---

College Towns

• Number of counties: 171

• Median county population: 108,051

• Examples: Lancaster County, NE; Durham County, NC; Dane County, WI

College Towns encompass counties where life primarily revolves around a college or university.³ These tend to be mid-sized areas, with a median population of just over 100,000. And though some are in smaller towns, only about one-quarter of these areas are rural.

Because institutes of higher education play such a prominent role in these places, their populations have a higher share of residents aged 20 to 24 (10 percent—the highest of any community type) and the third-highest share of degree-holders (38 percent). Notably, however, these communities aren’t especially diverse, as fully 78 percent of the population is non-Hispanic white.⁴ The median household income is also more than $10,000 under the national average at $59,223.

College Towns score very well on metrics related to the welfare of children. They are ranked near the top for access to child care centers and have lower levels of child mortality than others places. They have the lowest share of “disconnected youths” and among the lowest rates of teen births. Schools here also tend to be less segregated than elsewhere.

Given the presence of colleges and universities, College Towns are quite left-leaning, though not as much as Big Cities. About two-thirds believe abortion should be a woman’s choice and that the U.S. is in decline. Additionally, around 60 percent say that racism is baked into America’s institutions and that people should be free to be whatever gender identity they prefer.

While schools are the focal point of College Towns, the presence of so many other people appears to curb these counties’ liberal leanings at the voting booth. Indeed, while the precincts that house college students are often overwhelmingly Democratic, the party’s presidential candidates don’t run up the score here the way they do in big urban areas. In fact, in 2000 and 2004, Bush narrowly carried these places. Since then, they’ve broken for the Democratic nominee, but never by more than 10 points. From 2020 to 2024, they actually shifted slightly more Republican, going from 10 points for Biden to seven for Harris. In keeping with tropes about apathetic college students, voter turnout in College Towns is under the national average at 62 percent.

---

---

Evangelical Hubs

• Number of counties: 375

• Median county population: 19,816

• Examples: Marion County, AL; McCracken County, KY; Johnson County, TN

As ACP notes, the distinguishing characteristic for Evangelical Hubs is the large number of residents with ties to evangelical churches such as the Southern Baptist Convention. These counties are mostly scattered across the South and parts of Appalachia. Towns in these places are fairly small, with a median population of around 20,000, and more than three-quarters (78 percent) of people live in areas classified as rural by the Census Bureau.

Overall, Evangelical Hubs are some of the poorest counties in the country (with a median household income of $47,083, the second-lowest of any area type) and have very low levels of formal education (17 percent have a college degree, also the second-lowest). Additionally, they are among the least racially diverse community types, with a population that is 90 percent white.

An unfortunate hallmark of these communities is their poor health outcomes. Under half of residents live in areas with easy access to locations for physical activity, while the shares of the population that are obese (38 percent) and who smoke (24 percent) are both higher than the national averages. Sixteen percent of people are food insecure (second-highest), and 20 percent say they are in only fair or poor health. Life expectancy is eight years lower than the national average at 71 years old. While alcohol doesn’t play as big a role in daily life here as it does elsewhere, drugs do: these places have the second-highest rates of overdoses. Fully 40 percent of residents say that opioids and addiction are among the top issues facing their communities—more than in any other type of place.

Evangelical Hubs are home to some of the most conservative voters in the country. People here are likelier than anywhere else to say that government should spend less and cut taxes and second-likeliest to believe that the right to bear arms is a core tenet of American identity. They are also much more pessimistic than others: a massive 83 percent believe that America is in decline (more than any other group), and they are the only typology in which a majority (54 percent) say it’s hard to get ahead in the U.S. A notable 60 percent add that they “feel like a stranger in my own country,” a similar share say they don’t see themselves represented in popular culture and media, and 71 percent say that experts “don’t understand people like me”—more than any other community type.

Today, Republican presidential nominees dominate in Evangelical Hubs, earning greater and greater shares of the vote with every passing election. Last year, Trump became the first nominee this century to crack 80 percent here. However, it wasn’t always so lopsided. Back in 2000, as many of these southern counties still voted the way of their Democratic ancestry, Bush only carried them by 19 points and with 59 percent of the vote. Moreover, though much is often made of the “evangelical vote,” voters in these places have a relatively low turnout rate of just 59 percent.

---

---

1. This includes the District of Columbia

2. You can view an interactive version of this map and find your own on ACP’s website!

3. This is distinct from places that have colleges or universities but don’t necessarily revolve around them, such as Suffolk and Cambridge Counties in Massachusetts—home to the cities of Boston and Cambridge, respectively, and their numerous institutions of higher education.

4. This is likely due at least in part to the fact that in many of these counties, the campuses—which are likely more diverse than the areas around them—don’t always make up a substantial share of the county overall.